By Marisa von Bülow
"Building Transnational Networks tells the tale of ways a huge team of civil society enterprises got here jointly to contest unfastened alternate negotiations within the Americas. in accordance with examine in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the U.S., and Canada, it bargains an entire hemispheric research of the construction of civil society networks as they engaged within the politics of alternate. the writer demonstrates that the majority effective transnational actors are those with robust family roots and that 'southern' corporations occupy key nodes in alternate networks. The fragility of activist networks stems from alterations within the family political context in addition to from features of the enterprises, the networks, or the activities they adopt. those findings boost and recommend new understandings of transnational collective action"-- Read more...
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Additional resources for Building transnational networks : civil society and the politics of trade in the Americas
In fact, there is a broad agreement that transnational campaigns, which do not have permanent staff or offices and are focused on specific demands and issues, are the most feasible form of coalition building across borders (Anheier and Themudo 2002; Tarrow and della Porta 2005). Authors have relied often on the use of the term “networks” to describe this trend toward less hierarchical and more flexible forms of transnational collective action. This usage builds on the difference that organizational 14 More specifically, the resource mobilization approach has seen the creation of organizations as an asset for social movements, and has argued that more resources, such as the appointment of professional staff, render social movement organizations more visible and more capable of reaching their goals.
Thus, the political economy literature on trade coalition building argues that productive forces gather around their particularistic demands and agendas at the national scale (see, for example, Rogowski 1989; Hiscox 2002). However, the usual polarization between “protectionists” and “free traders” or between “winners” and “losers” that lobby domestic negotiators is not as useful anymore, for two main reasons. First, civil society participation in trade debates has gone far beyond productive forces (such as labor and business).
Often, civil society actors from the North as well as from the South5 feel that they defend their country’s sovereignty and interests better than their own governments. Their ultimate goal is to strengthen national states, not to weaken them. Furthermore, many NGOs, social movements, and labor unions view with mistrust any attempt to create global civil society arenas that would undermine their own autonomy and flexibility. In their contributions to the 2005–2006 Global Civil Society Yearbook, Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor, and Helmut Anheier admit that “since the turn of the century, there appears to be a renewed interest in national politics” (Glasius et al.
Building transnational networks : civil society and the politics of trade in the Americas by Marisa von Bülow