By Jill S. Reichman
Reichman’s debunks the parable of the cognitive and behavioral intransigence of first iteration Mexican immigrants. concentrating on healthiness care, she finds the flexibleness of woman immigrants’ ideals approximately health and wellbeing and affliction. She demonstrates how the speed of acculturation varies with the criticism: people with continual ailment shift well-being ideology swifter than these ill from sub-acute health problems. finally, all sojourners examine new how one can deal with themselves and redefine how they hinder and deal with sickness. Reichman’s most vital discovery is that most of alterations ensue inside ten years, whatever the age at which immigration occurs, the kind of sending group, the extent of schooling, or the English language fluency of the migrant.
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Additional resources for Immigration, Acculturation, And Health: The Mexican Diaspora (The New Americans: Recent Immigration and American Society)
2003). For example, this type of research studies rates of transient diabetes and alcoholism, “psychosomatic” disorders such as hypertension, and suicide and overall mortality rates, all of which tend to increase as a result of the acculturation process (Mendoza et al. 1981). BICULTURALISM Redfield and others’ (1936) definition, quoted above, does not in any way constrain researchers to conceptualize adaptation to the host culture as a unidimensional process. Nevertheless, this has been the dominant theoretical underpinning of most acculturation studies.
The matrix model was first illustrated graphically by McFee (1968) and has been emulated recently by Cuellar and others (1995b). According to them, the model is truly multidimensional because it possesses two distinct axes with four quadrants, as indicated in Cartesian analytic geometry. The matrix model, however, has not been without its critics. Marín (1993) and Magaña (1996) have maintained that, despite attempts to expand the matrix model to a higher level of complexity, the outcome is often undermined by an adherence to individual item responses that require a unidimensional ordinal answer scale.
Diabetics are an important subgroup to study because of the disease’s prevalence and chronicity in the population. To improve my understanding of how beliefs and behaviors related to illness might change, depending on the context, I wanted to query women who had been diagnosed and treated for an illness in both Mexico and the United States. Similarly, an immigrant undiagnosed in Mexico and subsequently diagnosed and treated in the United States can reveal illuminating information about her implicit diagnostic categories, illness behavior related to her diagnosis, and her belief in and use of various therapeutic options in her home country and in the host country.
Immigration, Acculturation, And Health: The Mexican Diaspora (The New Americans: Recent Immigration and American Society) by Jill S. Reichman