By Stanley R. Sloan
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Additional info for NATO’s Future: Towards a New Transatlantic Bargain
In a memorandum to President Eisenhower in November 1954, the Presidential Staff Secretary, then Colonel Andrew J. " Goodpaster continued, "[the fJirst element of proposed action is to secure NATO-wide approval of the concept of the capability to use A-weapons as a major element of military operations in event of hostilities. " 19 On his return from the NATO sessions, Secretary of State Dulles reported to the National Security Council that a number of allies were concerned that the new policy might take vital crisis decisions out of the hands of civilian leaders of allied countries.
14 THE ORIGINAL BARGAIN The conservative Republicans focused on two principal issues: whether it was appropriate for the United States to deploy substantial ground forces to Europe as part of an integrated Atlantic defense structure, and whether the President could, without congressional authorization, deploy American troops overseas-the "war powers" question which later returned to prominence with the Vietnam war. The war powers issue was pointedly raised by Senator Robert Taft, who argued, "The President has no power to send American troops to fight in Europe in a war between the members of the Atlantic Pact and Soviet Russia.
By the late 1950s, the British had an independent nuclear capability, and the French were on the way toward nuclear power status. The United States was by no means anxious to encourage the proliferation of nuclear weapons states and would have preferred that neither France nor Great Britain develop nuclear forces. Between 1959 and 1963, a number of schemes emerged for some form of nuclear sharing among the NATO allies. These schemes were motivated to varying degrees by Soviet nuclear weapons advances and by the tension within the alliance about the American monopoly in nuclear decisionmaking.
NATO’s Future: Towards a New Transatlantic Bargain by Stanley R. Sloan