By Horowitz David
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And indeed, the only remarks in the talks which did resemble the formula recalled by Harriman were those in which Stalin expressed his fears parties standpoint, that United States leaders were, in effect, saying that if the Soviets did not wish to go along with United States plans, they could go to hell. Hopkins himself had a more perceptive and, unfortunately, a more prophetic comment to make on these and related events, that is, on the change that had taken place in the United States approach some six months after he warned: 'Our Russian policy must not be dictated by people who have already made up their minds there is no possibility of working with the Russians and that our interests are bound to conflict and ultimately lead to war.
The quotes are from Bohlen's notes. James F. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly , New York, 1947, pp. 31-2. 3 Of course one such stipulation could be stretched to empty the term 'free elections' of all meaning. At best the agreement was, as it has been called, a compromise between the impossible and the inevitable. With regard to the 1 2 question of security, however, it is important to remember that the 1939 Polish Government (from whom the London Poles stemmed) had been openly 'unfriendly' to the Russians and had refused them permission to set their troops on Polish soil to repulse the expected Nazi invasion.
Went so Sumner : the Coalition 55 Welles, Roosevelt's Under-Secretary of State far as to pin-point the source of the change. With the death of Roosevelt, he wrote, 'the direction of American policy passed into other hands. The dire change this brought about in Soviet-American was apparent to every nob jective observer present at the meeting at Potsdam'. 1 But Potsdam as a symbol of the deterioration of Soviet- American relations was soon eclipsed by events at the other end of the globe the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The free world colossus a critique of American foreign policy in the cold war. by Horowitz David